Still controversial is the question of [the] relationship [of Solidarity] to the law of 8 October , which Lech Walesa's advisers adopted as a basis for negotiations with the authorities of the People's Republic of Poland [PRL]. The Working Group of the National Commission is of the opinion that "forming the Union anew" will come in conflict with social aspirations, and may even lead to a breakdown of the Union.
The Working Group of the National Commission appeals: - to the "solidarity-social side" not to take decisions at the Roundtable, which are reserved for the statutory authorities of the NSZZ "Solidarity.
Advanced Search. Meanwhile, down in the grass roots, something is stirring. In many unions — journalists, dockers, teachers among others — meetings of activists, determined to complete the transformation of their unions faster than the new party appointed bosses approve, are being held. Elsewhere, individual workers by the tens of thousands are tearing up their old union cards and signing up with the loyal opposition.
Official unions and managements are doing their best to stem the tide. In some plants they have reportedly combined to keep the new style union organisers off the premises.
In others they are making difficulties about returning pension funds, holiday money and the like to drop-outs. For the moment the independent unions are concentrating on urgently establishing their physical presence.
Offices are being opened, officials elected and proper membership lists drawn up. That is as it should be. The tide of protest can — and will — recede. If the Polish workers are to make permanent gains, strong institutions must be left behind when the tide goes out. Otherwise, as happened after and , when similar though not as far reaching promises of reform were made, the gains will be gradually eroded. Even the legal and constitutional reforms promised when the Parliament Sejm meets later this year will not be as important as the continued existence of powerful, well-organised independent unions.
It is worth remembering that, for the past half century, including the appalling period of Stalinist repression, the Soviet Union boasted the most democratic and progressive constitution in the history of mankind. It is a safe enough bet that, unless government and party obstruction becomes significantly more powerful and better organised, several million of them will shortly be members of new and independent unions.
But already Mr Walesa and his colleagues are quoted as saying that they would like both money and advice from Western unions — an appeal which has brought bitter condemnation both from Moscow and Warsaw. There is nothing, in principle, wrong with Western unions aiding their East European counterparts, especially now the independent unions are regarded as legitimate by the Polish government and the TUC should say so loud and clear.
After all, the Kremlin raises no objections when aid flows the other way. Various factors played a role in this successful democratic transformation. The legacy of a Polish civil resistance is particularly discernable in four major democratic changes:.
After the roundtable discussions between the communist government and the opposition, Solidarity leaders had only two months from mid-April to mid-June to prepare for the first open and free election in Poland since It was the self-organizing experience gained during the underground civil resistance, the well-developed underground press already legal by that time , and the extensive network of volunteers that gave Solidarity an important advantage over the communists in that election.
Solidarity ran a breathtaking campaign and eventually won all but one taken by an independent candidate contested seats in the pacted elections in June The design and implementation of major decentralization reforms in the second half of —which established 2, self-governing rural and urban communes with considerable governing powers, financial resources and legal status—had all the hallmarks of the Solidarity movement.
Underlying these reforms was a philosophy of decentralized governance with autonomous local institutions and a non-political, civic organization in charge of training tens of thousands of local civil servants and political officials in governance and empowering local councils and administrations. During the first years of transformation, Poland experienced the largest number of protests, and lost work days due to strikes among all the countries in Central and Eastern Europe.
Good neighborly relations with Germany, Ukraine, Belarus, and Lithuania, oftentimes despite a difficult history and problems with Polish ethnic minorities in those countries, were established surprisingly quickly.
Learn more about our work here. Hundreds of past and present cases of nonviolent civil resistance exist. To make these cases more accessible, ICNC compiled summaries of some of them between the years You can find these summaries here. Each summary aims to provide a clear perspective on the role that nonviolent civil resistance has played or is playing in a particular case.
To support scholars and educators who are designing curricula and teaching this subject, we also offer an Academic Online Curriculum AOC , which is a free, extensive, and regularly updated online resource with over 40 different modules on civil resistance topics and case studies. Political History Until the second half of the s, social groups that opposed the communist government were not united and their activities were not well coordinated.
One of the tenets of communism is that it is a worker-led ideology, in which workers stand up for their rights and demand revolutionary changes. Thirteen years is a long time for a continuous revolution and it is difficult to keep large numbers of people committed to a single cause for such a length of time. It is an indication of the resolve of the workers of the Poland that they persisted for so long and finally achieved their objective.
Read on to learn more about how an electrician led ten million workers in a struggle for freedom. Many workers were attacked and imprisoned by the authorities. This committee supported the families of the imprisoned workers, offering legal and medical aid. In addition, the committee worked to pass news through an underground movement. In the government of Poland raised food prices by an official decree. Many workers again initiated strikes in protest.
The Gdansk shipping yards became the hotbed of these strikes. One particular large shipyard, the Lenin Shipyard, had 17, workers on strike. Led by Lech Walesa, the workers locked themselves in the plant and raised demands. In August an Interfactory Strike Committee was formed to help coordinate the various strike movements occurring across the country. On August 30th an agreement was reached between the government and the workers, allowing the workers to form independent unions, and giving them greater freedom of religious and political expression.
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